"The spirit we have, not the work
we do, is what makes us important to the people around
us."
A Benedictine Sister of
Erie, Sister Joan is a best-selling author and well-known
international lecturer. She is founder and executive
director of Benetvision: A Resource and Research Center for
Contemporary Spirituality, and past president of the
Conference of American Benedictine Prioresses and the
Leadership Conference of Women Religious. Sister Joan
has been recognized by universities and national organizations
for her work for justice, peace and equality for women in the
Church and society. She is an active member of the
International Peace Council.
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By Joan Chittister, OSB
The place is Israel. The scene is the Calendria gate
between Ramallah on the West Bank and Jerusalem, 20 minutes
away. Four other members of the Global Initiative for Peace by
Women Religious Leaders and I are returning to Jerusalem from
a visit into the Palestinian city of Ramallah to see for
ourselves what is really going on in occupied Palestinian
areas and Israeli border areas.
I stood in line under a corrugated metal overhang. The hot
sun beat down on us turning the line into a cauldron of human
sweat. Some place near us, a cesspool was running hot and dry.
Dirt covered the cloth of my shoes and I could taste the sand
in my mouth. Ten and twelve-wheeler trucks churned up the dust
of the road around us, belching out diesel fuel, grinding
their gears and going nowhere.
Beside me in the line, their faces weathered by the sun,
people pressed in, two and three abreast. The line of them,
marked by cement highway dividers no more than three feet
wide, stretched a block before us and a block behind. We were
lucky, they told us. It was a good day. The line was not
nearly as long as usual, not as tangled as most other times of
the day. But there was no easy camaraderie, no friendly small
talk going on here. Instead, people stood with locked jaws and
cold eyes. The women, dressed in black chadors, cast
suspicious looks at the likes of us. The men, looked away, too
shamed, too embarrassed it seemed, to confess their impotence
by looking at us. I got the distinct impression that they
thought that maybe if they didn't see us, we couldn't see them
either.
The silence of the line, the taut and somber faces, made an
ominous contrast to the honking of horns at the crossroads
nearby, the shouting of vendors whose tiny tables lined the
way with cheap trinkets and old plastic bags. Here, there was
only the silence of fear and the inner roar of resentment and
indignity. People without a country, the Palestinians, were
being forced to behave as if they were entering a sovereign
nation totally remote, totally foreign to them though they and
their families had been here for 2,000 years.
We were at one of the 486 checkpoints that line the West
Bank of Israel, separating Palestinians from Israel and even
from one another. Checkpoints announce the perimeter of every
major Israeli city, and they make internal travel impossible
for Palestinians in an area where one village is cut off from
the other, even in the Palestinian Territory itself. "Fragment
and isolate," one sympathetic Israeli called the policy.
Whatever their basic purpose, the checkpoints have spawned a
thousand horror stories. Pregnant women, who have no permit to
travel that day, give birth in cars by the side of the road.
There are at least five certified cases. One old man carrying
his oxygen canister was made to walk the block before the
guard station and the block of wired walkway beyond it before
he could be carried from there by worried family members to
the hospital where he would likely die. A younger man in front
of us was turned away twice, his face a veritable sculpture of
frustration.
The checkpoints are security devices imposed by Israel to
stem the flow of suicide bombers from West Bank towns to the
malls and cafes and buses of Israel. There have been 1,000
deaths due to bomb attacks in Israel. At the same time, the
checkpoints affect the life work, the family ties, the freedom
of more than 3 million people in the West Bank and Gaza.
Most of the checkpoints are permanent. Many are mobile,
which means they can be put up at any time, anywhere -- and
they are. They are strategies meant to resolve what politics
has not: the mutual interchange of two whole peoples who
spring from the same historical root but have different
histories stemming for the Jews from Isaac and for the Arabs
from Ishmael.
To understand the emotional impact of the situation, think
U.S. military guards between Hispanic villages in the outlying
areas of Texas and the city of San Antonio, for instance. Or
think gun turrets and internal passport requirements between
the Irish neighborhoods of Boston and the downtown Catholic
cathedral where they would like to worship. Or think barbed
wire separating Atlanta from its white suburbs. Or think armed
convoys at the entrance to every Indian reservation in the
United States. They are all theoretically one people in one
political entity but some people are clearly more part of it
than others.
I know one woman, 60 years of age, who was refused the
right to cross the border to see her doctor. Her blood
pressure had risen to 250 over 80, a sign of imminent stroke
or worse. A trip to the hospital in Jerusalem would have been
a 30-minute trip at most. The next day at 4 a.m., still sick,
her head throbbing, her step unsteady, she rose from bed, took
a cab as close to the border of Jordan as she could get, then
hired a donkey cart to take her and her luggage over the
mountain. From there, she walked again until she could hire
taxis the rest of the way. She got to the hospital in Jordan
at 4 p.m. that afternoon.
The explanation? The justification? Surely security. Maybe
because she has been a peace activist for 35 years. Certainly
because she falls under the category of potential "terrorist,"
that generic title for those peace-loving people unfortunate
enough to have been born Arab.
During those moments at the checkpoint I saw around me what
"indignity," what "dehumanization," really means. An entire
people have been made collectively guilty of the sins of two
governments.
I've prayed the psalms every day for the greater part of my
life. I confess that they have always been a metaphor to me.
Now I've been to Israel and they have become real. "Depart
from evil and do good," Psalm 34 taught me to pray. "Seek
peace and pursue it." Nice thought. But up close and personal
these days it's hard to believe it's happening. Except for one
thing. I had also seen one burning glimmer of hope.
Yes, I could feel my own jaw tightening as I got closer to
the young soldier, decades my junior, who would decide if I
were fit to go on my way or would be left in Ramallah
indefinitely to reflect on my sin of being in the wrong place
at the wrong time. But the truth is that in this same trip I
had also met Israelis -- more than 10,000 of them at a peace
rally in Tel Aviv, many of them in their own homes, some of
them in formal meetings -- who were just as incensed about
those checkpoints as their Palestinian sisters and brothers.
The holy soul of Israel lives in them. The memory and learning
of the Exile lives in them.
From where I stand, I am convinced that they, "seeking
peace and pursuing it," are the answer to the future for
Israelis and Palestinians. The next time I recite Psalm 34,
I'll be praying for Israelis and Palestinians, for Isaac and
Ishmael. They both need all the support they can get.
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